Uncaring Addis fuels Gambella’s cutthroat communal contest

By Okello Miru, 31 May, 2021

Pugnido 2 refugee camp in Anywaa Zone; 6 February 2021; Okello Miru

To improve Anywaa-Nuer relations, development must be devised locally.


(Ethiopia-Insight) — There is a fish that Anywaa people in Gambella call the okuura. It is tasteless and requires a lot of salt to eat. Because of this, it does not cost much.

“The price of the life of an Anywaa person is as cheap as the price of okuura,” an old tobacco seller told me matter-of-factly at the market in Pugnido town. It was a sweltering day in February, and I was on my way to visit Gambella’s longest-running refugee camp located in Anywaa Zone.

As an Anywaa Gambellan myself, bleak sentiments like this are not new to me, as for a long time the community has suffered regional displacement and national marginalization. They do, however, represent a return to despair just three years after the promise of Abiy Ahmed’s ascendency.

Among much of Gambella’s political class, the disbanding of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) was celebrated. Under the EPRDF, primary attention was paid to its four member-regions, while Gambella was among those states whose ruling party was merely affiliated with the coalition.

When Prime Minister Abiy first visited the westerly region in May 2018, a month after taking office, people in Gambella sensed that they might finally be recognized; their concerns given weight at the national level. That hope rose when the Prosperity Party was created in 2019 through merging the Gambella People’s Democratic Movement and seven other regional ruling parties.

Three years later, promises have been broken and hopes for meaningful participation dashed, as Gambella remains a backdrop concern to powerful actors engaged in higher-order dramas.

Meanwhile, serious local problems endure, unaddressed.

One of the chronic issues is the complex and sensitive issue of refugees in what is a low-lying region that has a relative abundance of land and water. And though significant national—and even international—attention has been given to refugees in Gambella, policy decisions are made without sufficient community consultation or consent.

Despite Gambella being relatively sparsely populated, for the Anywaa and Nuer struggling to co-exist, a sense of scarcity—of recognition, power, and opportunities—creates a zero-sum game with the region’s two dominant communities pitted against each other.

With elections upon us, decision-makers in the region must focus on how to increase opportunities for all communities, so as to break a long cycle of mutual recrimination. Local people must finally devise and implement solutions for long-standing sources of tension between the Nuer and the Anywaa.

Chasing cash

Fatefully affixed along the porous South Sudan border, Gambella hosts almost half of the nearly 900,000 refugees residing in Ethiopia. In January 2019, to international acclaim, Ethiopia’s parliament amended its 2004 Refugee Proclamation.

The new law, in line with the New York Declaration for Refugees and Migrants adopted in 2016 by the 193 member states of the United Nations, takes advantage of significant funds for hosting refugees. A worthy idea, especially for European nations aiming to reduce asylum claims amid a nationalist right-wing backlash.

Approved at a time when Europe was feeling the strains of what was being dubbed a “global refugee crisis”—caused in part by the wars in Syria and Libya, and in other parts by gaping gulfs in living standards between Europe and its former colonies—donors pledged assistance to integrate refugees closer to their home countries.

Building on an Out-of-Camp Scheme for some Eritreans in Ethiopia, all refugees in Ethiopia were, on paper, granted the right to settle anywhere in the country, obtain work permits, the ability to receive a government education, register births, marriages, and deaths, and some access to land and financial services.

After the fanfare over the new law, aid was earmarked for industrial parks that were supposed to provide 100,000 jobs; 30 percent of those were promised to be made available for refugees.

In June 2018, the World Bank pledged $202 million to Ethiopia under its Economic Opportunities Program to support efforts to provide jobs for Ethiopians and for refugees. The UK pledged £80 million for the same program. The European Union offered €50 million and the European Investment Bank lent €200 million.

For the Ethiopian government, promising to integrate some of its nearly one million refugees meant serious money—money which could be used with relative flexibility. But, in reality, the proportion of refugees employed at industrial parks is closer to 0 percent than 30, and the new federal proclamation has not been followed by policies, directives, and regulations on implementation, especially at the regional and local level, in spite of aid received.

Furthermore, despite its large refugee headcount, Gambella was not picked as a location for industrial parks. The region is also not home to any of a new batch of agro-industrial parks, despite its fertile lands.

It’s estimated that more than two million Ethiopians enter the labor market each year, many of them desperate for any kind of work. In Gambella, competition for limited labor opportunities is related to inter-communal strife. That is primarily because tension between refugees and nationals in Gambella, and particularly between the Anywaa and Nuer community—many of whom have arrived in recent years from war-torn South Sudan—remains high.

My land, your land

I squatted in the shade of a small hut and struck up a conversation with its elderly owner, who spoke of cheap fish with stewing fury, while we hid from the hot market-day sun.

Here in the Gog district, in spite of the reformed laws which, in principle, permit free movement of refugees, officials have, until recently, forbidden refugees to come to Pugnido town and its market since last year.

This seemed counterintuitive for business, as an increase in customers would mean more revenue for sellers like Nyaak Ongwach. I questioned the decision.

“Don’t you see the people of Akobo?” Mr. Nyaak asked me.

Located on the other side of Akobo River, South Sudan Akobo, commonly known as Chiro to the Anywaa, was actually fresh in my mind. A story I had heard recently from a young man named John during my travels had stuck with me.

I met John seated with two others outside of a souk along the Pinyudo-Gog road. I struck up a conversation with the men to hear their thoughts about the host community and refugee relationships. John responded to my questions by narrating a disturbing story.

John had fled from Gog Dipach, a kebele in Gog Wereda, to South Sudan in April 2012. He felt forced to leave the country after a brutal crackdown on Anywaa youth by federal soldiers following the killing of some workers for a Saudi Star Agricultural Development sub-contractor that month.

Saudi Star, owned by Ethiopian-born Saudi billionaire Mohamed al-Amoudi, was marked by controversy from the get-go due to, in part, poor coordination between government, investors, and the local community. With the recent revitalization efforts, the rice farm may provide youth with employment, as should be expected from such large-scale agricultural projects using the region’s plentiful resources.

A year after his undesirable exile in South Sudan, John decided to come back home to Gambella in 2013, passing through South Sudan Akobo.

Anuak women selling maize flour and Nuer refugee women selling bundles of grass and firewood in Pugnido market; February 2021; Okello Miru

He described having mixed feelings when he arrived. Located along the river, the town was as familiar to John as it is for any Anywaas. It was in South Sudan Akobo that the first missionaries who came to Anywaa land arrived to start their work—well-known men like Don Mcclure and Harvey Hoekstra, the first person to translate the Bible into Anywaa language.

The first educated Anywaas, men like Professor Anade, Joseph Oteo, Cham Adhoom and Simon Mori, are all from there. The history of great Anywaa men like these inspires strong emotional attachment for our people, who see Akobo-Chiro as ancestral land—inhabited now primarily by agro-pastoralist Nuers.

Shortly after he arrived, John said that a Nuer man fell into the Akobo river and drowned, apparently intoxicated. The following day, a member of the Nuer community came to the Anywaa with the accusation that they had murdered the man. Fearing a fight, John hastened his journey home.

When he reached Gambella town, John heard the news that the Nuer had attacked the Anywaa as retribution. Twenty-five people were reported dead, and many others ended up in Pugnido as refugees. Fighting spread along the river and across the border.

In 2015, another conflict broke out between Nuer and Anywaa members of the regional special forces in Ethiopian Akobo. Many people died on both sides, and more Anywaas fled to Pugnido, where they settled between the town and Akachi village and have since been living as Internally Displaced Persons (IDP). Some of those who settled in the refugee camp later decided to join the IDPs due to clashes in the camp between the two groups.

These were the people of Akobo that Nyaak Ongwach now referred to: displaced Anywaas who had been forced from ancestral lands nearly a decade ago through processes of targeted violence. Expressing a prevailing suspicion that many Anywaas sadly have for the Nuer, Nyaak proclaimed “they [the Nuer] want to live in our land, but don’t want us in it.”

Problematic yet pervasive convictions like these have a long history and are reaffirmed by ongoing contentious interactions between Nuers and Anywaas. Without addressing underlying concerns over land, resources, and two-sided prejudices, it’s not hard to see how refugee policies that Anywaas perceive to favor Nuers perpetuate conflict.

One hundred years of history

Gambella became part of the Ethiopian empire at the end of the 19th century. From 1902, the British ran the town as a bustling port for its colony in Sudan. When Sudan achieved independence in 1956, Gambella returned to Ethiopian administration.

According to Ethiopian anthropologist Dereje Feyissa, the Anywaa-Nuer conflict dates back to the second half of the 19th century when mostly Jikany Nuers migrated east from southern Sudan. The main driver, he wrote, was access to and control over natural resources, including cropland and pasture along the tributaries of the Sobat River. Anywaas are predominantly cultivators, while Nuers require roaming space for livestock.

More recently, political power struggles at the regional level have exacerbated problems, as has the fluidity of borders. That is the case for Anywaas at, for example, Pochalla, but particularly for Nuers, who often have ties on both sides. Researchers have identified that cross-border Nuer networks involve “families, kinship groups, and the Nuer institution of cieng, forms of identity that carry far greater weight than that of national citizenship.”

The first and second Sudanese civil wars, fought between 1958-1972 and 1983-2005, radically altered demographics in the region. Historian Esei Kurimoto estimated, in a 1992 paper, that around 300,000 Sudanese migrated to Gambella over the course of the 1980s—a decade when Ethiopia’s military government also moved tens of thousands of highlanders to Gambella as part of its ill-conceived and coercive resettlement program. Some Nuers registered as refugees; others simply settled along the Baro River.

Between 1986 and 1988, three camps—Itang, Bonga and Pugnido—were opened in Gambella. It did not take long for deadly violence to occur. For example, in September 1989, suspected Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) fighters razed Pugnido village to the ground, Kurimoto writes. Four days later, another deadly fight erupted between an Anywaa militia and the Nuer in Itang, 75 kilometers north.

In the Anywaa community, these incidents are part of a series, particularly just prior to the fall of the military regime in 1991, in which Nuer groups violently displaced Anywaas from land that they had lived on for up to two centuries, whether in Ethiopian Akobo, the contested Itang area, inside Gambella town, or other locations.

After the Derg fell, the EPRDF government demarcated administrative boundaries according to ethno-linguistic settlement patterns in line with a 1995 multinational federalist constitution. The EPRDF inherited six weredas in Gambella that were soon made part of administrative zones 1 and 2.

In the late 1990s, Gambella was divided into three zones. The Anywaa Zone (split into five weredas) and the Nuer Zone (also with five weredas) were created. The other zone was for the Majang people, who live in the east of the region towards Oromia and have also suffered marginalization and repression.

The restructuring was part of an attempt to share power in the region between the two main groups whose fortunes had shifted over previous decades in line with national and regional trends. Broadly, the imperial regime had favored the Anywaa, who it funded to fight Khartoum during the first Sudanese civil war. In response, the Derg promoted Nuers to administer Gambella in the 1980s, while the EPRDF swung the other way after taking power and cultivating their allies from the local Anywaa elites, before trying to rebalance the approach.

In 1998, the EPRDF heavy-handedly merged the Anywaa’s Gambella People’s Liberation Movement (GPLM), and the Nuer’s Gambella People Democratic Unity Party (GPDUP) into a single party: the Gambella People Democratic Front (GPDF). Resenting the merger, Anywaa elites chose to establish the Gambella People Democratic Congress (GPDC), which challenged GPDF in the 2000 regional election. Despite gains in Anywaa areas, and amid accusations of election rigging, GPDC ended up with only marginal representation in Gambella State Council.

Subsequently, the proportion of Nuer in the council rose further after their role in the 1998-2000 Ethiopia-Eritrea war, contributing to Nuer-Anywaa conflict in 2002, Dereje explains.

On 13 December 2003, eight officials from Ethiopia’s refugee agency were killed by Anywaa gunmen, allegedly furious over a lack of consultation for a proposed new camp. The assassination triggered federal troops and allied local highlanders killing more than 400 locals over three days, almost all of them Anywaas, according to Human Rights Watch. Thousands fled, themselves becoming refugees in neighboring countries, and more centrally directed political party reorganization occurred.

Tit-for-tat and blood-for-blood became par for the course, as Nuers and Anywaas fought for control over arable land along the Baro river, a geographic border which for centuries was fluid with intercommunal crossings. The establishment of Itang Special Wereda was eventually finalized in 2007 as a supposed solution to territorial violence. The district has 23 kebeles; nine are majority Nuer, ethnic Opo reside in two, and twelve are mostly Anywaa.

Ojulu Obang, an exiled Gambella politician, told Anywaa reporter Agwa Gilo, also now abroad, that the creation of what became the special wereda was partly down to federal scheming.

He says that in 1997, when Okello Oman was regional president, Ojulu Obang and other Gambella politicians were summoned to the Prime Minister’s Office after a training session in Addis Ababa. Ojulo was promised the presidency and was instructed to give the Nuer five kebeles in the Itang area. Ojulu responded that the plan was actually for the Nuer who had fled fighting in Akobo to return there after peacemaking.

Ojulo still became acting president, but months later he and Okello Oman were jailed, and Okello Nyigelo became president. During his rule, Ojulu said, the Nuer raided Anywaa villages in Itang, killing people. The Anywaa fled, and the Nuer presence in Itang increased.

Across the border, Sudan’s civil war ended in 2005 with the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, culminating with South Sudan’s independence in 2011. Fighting, however, soon broke out again in the new country. By 2014, around 1,500 asylum seekers, almost all Nuer, were crossing into Gambella every day. More camps were built to hold them.

Seven years later, there are now seven camps in Gambella; four in the Anywaa Zone (Pugnido 1 and 2, Jewi and Okugo), and three in Itang (Kule, known to locals as Akula, Nguenyyiel and Tierkidi).

The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) estimates that almost 370,000 refugees have arrived in Ethiopia from South Sudan, and Gambella hosts more than 340,000. Ethiopia’s last census in 2007 found that Gambella’s population of 307,000 comprised 65,000 Anywaa and 143,000 Nuer.

One hundred years of history makes it clear that the links for the Nuer to Gambella are long. For the Anywaa, however, the future feels increasingly uncertain.

The price of peace

Early last year, kebele leaders in the mostly Anywaa wereda of Gog unanimously called for Nuer refugees to be moved from their district. Partly referencing donor money, they asserted: “it is better that we stay poor and hopeful that our grandchildren will continue to live.” The Gog cabinet submitted their letter to Anywaa zonal and regional leaders demanding that refugees be settled elsewhere.

According to an official present at a meeting that addressed the matter, Gambella President Omod Ojulu Obub, an Anywaa like all presidents but one have been in the federal era, responded by saying that not even Prime Minister Abiy himself has the power to move the refugees. As a signatory of the international declaration, the Ethiopian government, he claimed, was trapped in its commitments.

In practice, refugee integration has been almost nonexistent, and new refugees are rarely allowed to settle outside of camps in Gambella. Still, the Gog district leaders were frustrated enough to take matters into their own hands. Against the will of the federal administration for Refugee and Returnee Affairs (ARRA) and UNHCR, they issued an order forbidding refugees from entering Pugnido town.

This January, Flippo Grandi, Head of UNHCR, visited Ethiopia. Before his arrival, regional leaders in Gambella and ARRA officials called a meeting in Gog. At the meeting, they posed just one question: do you like peace or not? People responded: yes, we like peace. If that is that case, the officials told them, refugees shall be free to come to town from now on, and if they have money then they are free to buy what they want from the market.

Back at the market, a seller told me that a Nuer refugee came and picked a fish weeks ago. The seller told him that the cost was 50 birr ($1.16), but the man did not have the money to pay. The two began to fight, as the man refused to put the fish down.

Things could have escalated, had community members not stepped in. In the end, a local chief who was present at the ARRA meeting paid to keep the peace: 50 birr for the price of the fish.

Anuak women selling maize flour, cabbage, and tomato in Pugnido market; February 2021; Okello Miru

Prosperity for whom?

On his first visit to Gambella in 2018, Abiy indicated that he had a sincere interest in engaging with local people. He welcomed back exiled Anywaa activists and held meetings with community leaders, where issues from infrastructure development to job creation were addressed. Refugee integration was discussed at length. Anywaa representatives argued that an increase in Nuer integration would heighten their anxiety and lead to more bloodshed.

Abiy’s promises pleased many Anywaas, who felt they would finally have a say in policies which impact them, an impression reinforced at a meeting with federal officials in Addis Ababa on 27 December 2018. But then the rumors came that Ethiopia would be promoting refugees living outside camps.

Shortly before the law’s passing, Gambella’s Ojulu Gilo pressed his fellow federal parliamentary members on the lack of discussion. He noted that only a couple meetings had been held in the region, with unsatisfactory answers given regarding how to manage conflict.

On 21 January 2019, leaders from an Anywaa youth group known as Dhaldim wrote a letter to Gambella town council saying they did not want the refugee bill implemented in their region. They declared that it was time for other regions to share the burden of being hosts.

That afternoon and throughout the next day, soldiers patrolled Gambella town. The refugee law passed, with near-universal praise outside of the region.

Beneath the smoke and mirrors of policies that remain unexecuted is real anger over insufficient consultation and fear of violence. For example, a Pugnido camp resident named David told me that in June 2020 gunmen attacked the refugees living at the furthest end of the camp leaving one person dead and one permanently paralyzed.

Stories like these—of which I heard many on my 12-day trip from Abobo to Dimma and from Abobo to Pugnido—illustrate the type of violence that has become normalized.

Treading water, far from the ground

The UN’s Grandi didn’t end up visiting Gambella on his latest trip this year; instead, he focused on the refugee crisis in Tigray where the federal government failed to protect Eritrean refugees after war broke out in November. In his parting remarks on 1 February, he proclaimed that: “Ethiopia is a country that has been quite exemplary in many aspects of refugee assistance… due to some very innovative policies inaugurated by this Government… both at the legislative level and the operational level.”

Abiy’s government might still win such praise, but in the Eritrea and South Sudan cases it is no longer always automatically recognizing asylum claims, and continuing conflict in Gambella should be a strong indication that the region is bearing too high a cost for the way policies have been devised and implemented.

The majority of individuals in high federal positions are not affected by the impact of hosting large numbers of refugees, so it is not a big issue at that level. The same applies for national political parties such as Prosperity Party or Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice Party (often known as ‘Ezema’), who have no detailed suggestions for integrating refugees in Gambella or easing communal tensions. Integration policies are designed at the center, without involving those affected.

But with elections looming and tensions mounting, competing political parties would be wise to start treating Gambella as more than a backwater with people and problems as cheap as saltless fish. With sustained political attention on devising policies that boost opportunities, the region can reduce violence, and eventually realize its potential.

Integration and relocation

Indicating the continuing stark challenges, on 8 April, Médecins Sans Frontières said thousands of asylum seekers have been stuck for months in Pagak in appalling conditions in a reception center at the Gambella border town with South Sudan. Like others, these asylum seekers, who happen to all be Nuer from South Sudan and now number more than 10,000, need to be settled somewhere. But where?

Historical grievances and a marked demographic shift in favor of the Nuer over the Anywaa makes peaceful coexistence in Gambella between refugees and the host population difficult. However, in Benishangul-Gumuz, Somali, and Afar regions there is less tension between refugees and hosts, and even in Gambella displaced communities such as the Uduk, Nubia, and Shilluk generally have better relationships with the host community than Nuer arrivals.

Similarly, the Murle and Anywaa also live together more peacefully, in spite of some sporadic conflicts which are mainly a result of a lack of control on the flow of weapons and people across the border. Still, these clashes are far less entrenched and can be overcome through direct dialogue and by better securing the border.

The integration of Nuer refugees in Gambella, on the other hand, has implications for political representation. Ethiopia’s updated refugee law includes provisions that ARRA may arrange places for refugees and asylum-seekers to live, with the caveat that, “The arranged residence place shall be located at a reasonable distance from the border of the country of origin.”

Considering the stipulations, one option to resolve the strains on Gambellan society would be to relocate some of the refugees to other regions. Big cities like Addis Abeba should also be considered as an option, as greater opportunities for work are available. Of course, refugees tend to prefer to live in areas where they have a community—such as the Nuer Zone.

Nuer Zone home

According to the United Nations, nine out of ten arrivals in Gambella are Nuer. And yet, only two camps have been opened in the Nuer Zone, both of which were closed. In 2015, more than 50,000 refugees living in Nip Nip and Leitchuor, in the Nuer Zone, were relocated to upper lands, including Pugnido and Jewi camps, in the Anywaa Zone due to issues of health, sanitation, and repeated flooding during the rainy season. Most Nuer arrivals end up in the camps in Itang Special Wereda.

Since then, no camp has been opened in the Nuer Zone, for the same reasons. Still, the UN Refugee Agency’s Ethiopia Country Refugee Response Plan 2020-21 acknowledges that “Identifying land and the expansion of camps within areas inhabited by Ethiopian Nuer is essential”.

In a peace conference held in Gambella in August 2018, one Nuer representative stated that the cause of conflict is that refugee camps are in the Anywaa Zone. He questioned why the Nuer Zone is not considered instead. It is time for all the relevant authorities to reconsider this point.

Trust and transparency

Heads of regional governments hosting refugees are not part of key steering committees, which means their concerns are heard from intermediaries, whom locals lack trust in. An incident in March of this year, for example, illustrated that mistrust when Anywaas in Dimma suspected an individual from the Murle group of a murder; yet, ARRA ruled it a suicide. Amid local anger, a Murle man was killed. Generally, residents do not believe ARRA reports, which strains relations.

On the ground, local authorities are not involved in the management of refugees in Gambella. However, for example, when a refugee dies in the camp and the cause of the death is not identified, that is when ARRA officials will ask the local authority to find a solution.

In general, ARRA is seen to have dragged its feet on Ethiopia’s ‘out-of-camp’ approach as it benefits from the plentiful donor funds that flow in to provide education and health services in camps. The federal refugee agency therefore needs to be incentivized to assist with refugee integration in the community in order to overcome the bureaucratic inertia. Locals well-versed in Gambella’s dynamics should also be brought into ARRA’s leadership.

In spite of suspicion, local leaders are more solution-oriented than external organizations give them credit for. For example, Peter Uualgak, a member of the three-year-old Gambella-based civil society organization Dit Ni Teek (‘Life Matters’) told me that the problem is really just a few rogue individuals, who can be brought to book if the community exposes their activities, while community-based organizations can organize inter-communal dialogue to discuss issues.

Okuch Okello, the director of Gogkaboro, a Gambellan non-profit that promotes local farming, stresses that the problem is not refugees versus hosts, but the changing demographic balance and, for example, justified Anywaa concerns about discriminatory outcomes in civil service employment.

These local leaders, community members, and indeed the refugees themselves have good ideas on how to avoid conflicts and manage situations better. Unfortunately, they are rarely listened to by policymakers, despite being the most vital of all stakeholders. Rather than focusing only on the refugee issue, donors should talk to the regional government about Gambella’s broader needs.

Another useful way forward involves engaging and investing in civil organizations, including religious institutions with close integration within the camps. For example, Anywaa churches in Dimma have established a good relationship with the Murle by inviting them for trainings and church conferences and helping when there are problems such as death.

Activities like these that foster peaceful coexistence between refugees and the host community need more recognition and support.

Integrated development

Importantly, investing in jobs and development programs that directly benefit the host community would play a meaningful role in alleviating an acute sense of scarcity in a region that should be bountiful for its inhabitants.

The largely failed villagization campaign in the last decade was without the interests of local people at heart, but community-based villagization that frees land for medium-scale local commercial farmers could have much better results. Farmers with the capacity to rent tractors should be given the opportunity and credit to do so and each farmer could till around 15 to 20 hectares. Irrigation would be encouraged and subsidized.

Also, land made available by participatory villagization could be used for harvesting timber and planting mangoes on a large-scale like the one in Mender 8 and 9 in Abobo established by a Catholic charity. That successful project has been a source of income for locals.

Given the relative land availability in Gambella, large-scale commercial farming is possible as long as participants pay a market price to rent land and use water, pay all their due taxes, and do not get involved in illegally exporting charcoal by destroying forest, as some investors have done. Commercial agriculture investors should be subject to regulations so that they sell some part of their products locally to boost food availability and security, always prioritize the employment of local people, and use land which is not thick with native forest like Zeru Gebre Libanos.

Nuer refugee women selling bundles of grass in Pinyudo town; February 2021; Okello Miru

Investing in and revitalizing Gambella National Park, which is currently largely dormant, would also benefit the region by bringing tourism, jobs, and education around conservation. A stalled scheme for integrated land use and development in Gambella should be restarted. After all, the park is the destination for what is thought to be Africa’s second-largest annual animal migration, the journey of White-eared Kob from South Sudan.

Any and all solutions should consider youth unemployment as a central issue to address. In Gambella, many young people complain that even if they meet qualifications to work in various organizations—including those working with refugees—their names are rarely shortlisted for interviews. Though these organizations claim to be equal opportunity employers, these ‘credentials’ need to be better scrutinized by local authorities.

To provide more jobs, Gambella could also be made part of the government’s industrial development drive. Integrated agro-industrial parks are possible in the region as there are raw materials, suitable climatic conditions, ready buyers amongst the organizations assisting refugees, road construction is ongoing, and the power supply is improving.

While developing the economy for both the host community and the refugees, sustainability needs to be kept in mind. For example, bringing people together and telling them to form cooperatives has proven to be unproductive. Instead, empowering entrepreneurship and leveraging business and creativity will be more useful and produce better results.

When such policies are enacted, with community consultation, then the aspirational refugee law may well be welcomed by the people it impacts—not just by those signing cheques to Ethiopia’s federal government.

Whatever political party wins the upcoming election should be ready to support locally-led solutions. They should do this not because it will get them votes, but because peace and prosperity in Gambella is in the interest of Ethiopia as a whole—and because the price of life in the region should not be as cheap as the okuura.

Loltootni Eritraa Dararaa Suukanneessaa Ummata Sivilii Abbayi Coomman, Dhiha Oromiyaa Irraan Gahaa Jiru.

Loltootni Eritraa Dararaa Suukanneessaa Ummata Sivilii Abbayi Coomman, Dhiha Oromiyaa Irraan Gahaa Jiru.

(Ibsa ABO, Caamsaa 30, 2021)

ABO yeroo dheeraaf humni hidhate biyya alaa kan Eritiraa dhimma Itophiyaa keessa seennuun nageenya biyyaa fi naannoo gaanfa Afrikaa walxaxaa akka taasisu ibsaa ture. Qooda fudhannaan loltoota Eritiraa ol’aantummaa biyyaa (sovereignty) cabsuu qofa utuu hin taane amallii fi gochaan loltootni kuni Ummata siviliirratti raawwachaa jiran badii daangaa hin qabnee fi dhiitta mirga namaa hamaa fidaa jira. Gochaa suukkanneessan ummata Tigirayi irratti raawwatamee fi Ummata Adunyaatiin Mirkanaawe amma biyya Oromiyaa keessatti bal’inaan mul’achaa jira.

Akkuma waliigaltee dhoksaa Gartuun Itophiyaa bulchina jedhanii fi mootummaa Eritiraa gidduutti ta’etti humni Eritiraa kan hidhate biyya Oromiyaa fi naannoo Benishangul-Gumuzitti bobba’ee gochaa suukkanneessaa kaaba Itophiyaatti raawwatame naannoo kanattis dabalaa jira. Ragaa qabatamaan jiru Baatii Ebla 2021 keessa Kutaan Waraana Eritiraa (Battalions) gara Zoonilee Oromiyaa- Horroo Guduruu, Qeellam Wallaggaa,Dhiha Wallaggaa, Gujii, Booranaa fi naannoo Matakkal (Benishangul-Gumuz) bobbaauudhan Ummata Sivilii reebuu, ajjeessuu, meeshaa saamuu, dubartii fi ijoollee gudeeduu fi juumlaan nama hidhuu isaanii ti.

Amma gadda guddaan kan ibsuu feenu gochaa walfakkaataan Dhiha Oromomiyaa, Godina Horroo Guduruu, Abbayi Coomman keessatti yeroo ammaan tana raawwatamaa jiraachuu isaa ti. Akka maddee qabatamaa irraa argannetti guyyaa kaleessaa (Caamsaa 29, 2021) Godina Horroo Guduruu, Aanaa Abbayi commaan naannoo warshaa Sukkaarratti loltoota Ertiraa jiraattota dararaa jiru. Naannoo mooraa 4ffaa jedhamee beekamutti namoota irraa bilbla harkaa ( mobile phones) fuudhanii caccabsaa jiraachuu, namoota reebuu akkasumaas ummata nagaa mana hidhaatti guraa jiru. Akkuma kanaan loltootni Eritiraa kuni namoota maqaan isaanii Obbo Namoomsaa Hatahuu jedhamu haadha warraa isaanii aadde Yashii Dassalee jedhaman Daa’ima waaggaa tokkoo waliin erga haadha warraa fi Abbaa warraa reebanii hidhanii akka jiran nuuf mirkanaawee jira. Akka maddeen keenya mirkaneessetti loltootni Eritiraa kuni Afaanota biyya keessatti dubbataman waan hin beekneef gaaffii tokko malee nama reebanii juumlaan hidhaatti guuraa akka jiranii dha. Akkasumas gochaa walfakkaataan naannolee Oromia fi Benishangul-Gumuz bakka adda addaatti raawwatamaa akka jiru maddi qabatamaan mirkaneessaa jira.

Lammileen Oromiyaa fi ummatni Benishangul-Gumuz gochaa sukkanneessaaf humnni Ertiraa hidhatee isiniitti bobba’ee akka jiru beektanii tokkummaadhan akka uf ittistan gadi jabeessinee isin hubachiifna. Akkasumas uummata Adunyaa hubachiisuu kan feenu humni Ertiraa hidhatee itti fufinsaan dhimma Itophiyaa irratti bobba’ee jiru kuni nageenya Itophiyaa boorawee jiru daran haammeessuu qofa utuu hin taane nagaa fi tasgabbii naannoo gaanfa Afrikaa irratti balaa guddaa akka fiduu dha.
Kanaaf, uumatni Adunyaa (International Community) Tokkummaa Afrikaa (AU) fi qaamota Mootummoota Gamtoomanii (UN bodies) akka loltootni Eritiraa Oromiyaa keessaa bahan gadi jabeessanii dhiibbaa akka godhanii fi gochaa isaanii jala bu’anii akka hordofee gaafanna. Amalli loltoota badii dalagaa jiran kanaa fi gochaan yeroo yeroon Oromiyaa keessatti ta’aa jiru dararamaa Ummata Sivilii fi gagga’ama lubbuu hedduu waan fidaa jiruuf uummatni Adunyaa fi qaamotni dubbiin ilaalu ilaalcha gahaa itti kennanii furmaata yeroo gabaabaa keessatti argamsiisuu akka yaalan gadi jabeessinee gaafatna.

Injifannoo Ummata Bal’aaf!!
Adda Bilisummaa Oromoo
Caamsaa 30, 2021
Finfinnee

Oduu tarkaanfii WBO

Oduu tarkaanfii WBO zoonii GGOromiyaa 30/05/2021


Irreef gaachanni Ummata Oromoo WBOn zoonii GGO Cibraan meettaa Bargaa konya kaabaa lixa shagari ona Ada’aa bargaa ganda Haroon boorootti humna RIB Ummata shororkeessuf bobbaate irratti tarkaanfii haleellaa bakakkaa caamsaa 30/2021 waree booda sa’aa 4:00pm hanga sa’aa 6:00pm lola haleellaa gaggeesseen lolituu RIB mootummaa gabroofataa 35 ol ajjeessee 20 ol madoo taasiisee injifannoo boonsaa yoo gallimmessu,sa’aatuma wal fakkaataatti fudhateen Ona meettaa walqixxee ganda buufaa caffee keessatti sa’aa tarkaanfii fudhateen lolituu 10 ajjeessee lolituu 5 ol madoon adabee jira. Lola Ada’aa bargaa ganda Haroo booraatti Lola sa’aa 2 oliif godhame humaniti reebuu diinaa dhaqabdee fi dukkanti gargar gargari nama kuttee malee lolituu RIB 60 Lola keessa jiran irraa lolitoota 5 hin calle qofti nagaan keessaa kan bahan yoo ta’u ,humaniti diinaa birmannaa dhaqabdee hanga ganama kanaatti reefaa fi madoo guuraa Oolte.

Hanga bilisummaa fi walabummaa oromiyaa dhugoomsinutti, lola gabroofataa dhabamsiisuu cimee itti fufa!

I U Of
Caamsaa 31/2021


Injifannoo Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo WBO Zoonii Kibbaa Cibraa Soddoma Booroo!

Guyyaa kaleessa Caamsaa 30/2021 lola Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo WBO Zoonii Kibbaa Cibraa Soddoma Booroo sa’a 1:00 irraa jalqabuun hanga sa’aa 11:00tti lola marsaa garaagaran Waraana PP waliin gochuun madoo hedduu fi du’aan adabee waraanni PP dhaadannoo gochuun akka godina Gujii bahaatti onoota godina Gujii jala jiran irraa walitti dhufuun Ona Gumii Eldalloo erga to’annoo waraana bilisummaa Oromoo WBO jala galtee ji’oota lakkoofsiste jirtu keessaa WBO nii baasna jechuun dhaadannoo jabduu gochuun waranna Cibraa Soddoma Booroo waliin gooteen dhumachuu ishee irraan kan ka’ee hanga ammaatti madoo ishee kan hin kaafannee kan baqattee baatee oloola sobaa ” balleessinee baqatee” jechuun uummatati oloolutti jirti Garuu dubbiin akkkas miti guyyaa hardhaa Caamsaa 31/2021 bakka adda Irreessa Malisee Networkii jedhamuutti qoree ofitti naanneessuun dhokatee osoo jirtuu hardha ganamaa WBOn sadii keessaa du’aan yeroo adabu akkasumas waraannii PP kun bishaaniif nyaata dhabdee boo’uuti jirtii kaan kaleessa galgala afuura dhokfachuun reeffa kaafatee buufata fayyaa magaalaa Bulbul reeffa ishee 15 fi madoo 7 ciciishee iyyaa turuu ishee jiraattoonnii naannoo buufata fayyaa magaalaa Bulbul jiran ragaa bahuu. Ragaa dabalataa madoof du’aa waliigala buufata fayyaa magaalaa Bulbul irraa odeeffannee deebina!

Sodaaf naasuu hedduun PPitti nammuun oloola ofjajjabina hardha ganamaan kaate oloolutti jirti

Injifannoon Ummata Oromoof!


Meettaa Bargaa, Waltajjii Oromiyaa

Caamsaa 30, 2021, 4WB, waraannii Habashaa Ummata shororkeessuf bobbaate irratti tarkaanfii fudhatameen, loltuu gabroofataa 35 ajeefamanii 20 moo xiyitiin rukuchaa irra ga’een mada’anii jiru.

Yeroodhuma sana keessatti, ganda buufaa caffee jedhamu keessattii WBOn fudhateen, lolituun Habashaa 10 yoo ajjeefaman, loltoonnii 5 moo xiyitiin rukutamanii jiru.

Lolal guyaa kana ta’e keessatti, loltoonnii Habashaa 60 WBOtti bob’an keessa, lolitoota 5 qofti lubbuun akka hafte keessa beektonnii ibsanii jiru. Humnii biraa birmannaaf dhaqabdee, hanga ganamaattii reefaa fi madoo loltuu Habashaa guurrachun bakkee gad dhiiftee baqattee jirti.

Qabsoon hamma Oromiyaan walaboomtuttii itti fufa

WBO walttajj Oromiyaa

Egypt rejects Ethiopian statement to build more than 100 dams across the country

May 31, 2021 (The nation press services) —  Egypt has rejected Ethiopia’s intention to build a number of dams in different regions of the country, the foreign ministry said on Monday.

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed announced on Sunday that Ethiopia plans to build more than 100 dams in the upcoming fiscal year.

Ahmed Hafez, foreign ministry spokesman, said Ahmed’s statement once again reveals Ethiopia’s ill faith and its treatment of the Nile and other international rivers that it shares with neighboring countries “as if they were internal rivers subject to their sovereignty and harnessed to serve their interests.”

Hafez added that Egypt has always recognized the right of all Nile Basin countries to establish water projects and exploit the resources of the longest river in Africa, in order to achieve development.

“However, these water projects and facilities must be established after coordination, consultation and agreement with the countries that may be affected by them, in the forefront of which are the downstream countries,” Hafez said in a statement.

He also said Abiy’s comments “are nothing but a continuation of the unfortunate Ethiopian approach that disregards the applicable rules of international law that regulate the use of international rivers, which imposes on Ethiopia to respect the rights of other countries bordering these rivers and not to harm their interests.”

Egypt and Ethiopia have been at loggerheads over an Ethiopian dam project on the main tributary to the Nile.

Talks stalled in April over an agreement to govern how much water is released downstream.

Sudan, which also opposes the dam, held joint military exercises with Egypt in recent days as a show of strength as tensions escalate with Ethiopia.

Kello Media: Abiy Ahmed’s Leaked Audio with English subtitle






Hanga waggoottan 10 dhufanitti eenyu illee mootummaa tahuu hin dandahu; du’een lubbuu koo aarsaa godha malee aangoo hin kennu[Abiyi Ahimed]

[SQ- Caamsaa 31/2021]

Wal gahii dhoksaa tibbana koreen Hojii raawwachiiftuu PPn gaggeeffate irratti MM Abiyyiin waan koree hojii raawwachiiftuu ppf dhuma irratti haasaa godhan #Kelloo_Median kan sagaleen baase gara barreeffamaatti SQ akka armaan gadin jijjiiree kaayeera.

Barreeffamni armaan guutuu Abiyyi Ahimed godhe kan barreeffamatti jiijjiramedha
“Filannoo kana irratti gama keenyaan hanga dandahame dogoggorri akka hin jiraanneef yaalii ni taasifna. Akkuma beektan filannoon akka dheereffamu kan babaadaa ture paartii kamiin olitti paartii keenya Badhaadhinadha sababoota hedduudhaan akka dheereffamu kan taasifne walumaa galatti osoo Covid -19 hin dhufne tahe filannoon taasifameera tahe maal akka uumamuu dandahu tilmaamuun barbaachisa.

Yeroo ammaa immoo filannoon taasifamuu dhiisuun haala duraan ture waan badaan akka hin uumamneef filannoo akka filannootti fudhanna.

Akkuma beektan qaamni ani nama siyaasaati ofiin jedhu activistoota dabalatee aangoo qabachuuf hojjeta. Kanaafuu kaabinoonni keenya eeggannoo olaanaa gochuutu irraa eegama.
Dogoggorri xiqqoo jedhamu hin jiru balleessaan xiqqoo jedhamus hin jiru. Yeroo yerootti qorannee sirreessuu qabna . dogoggorri tokko balaa guddaadha.

Waan amma na sodaachisu filannoo Kanaan aangoo qabachuuf kan dorgoman namoota siyaasaa,paartiilee siyaasaa,miidiyaaleen amma yaadamuun ol fagoodhas dhiyyoodhas humnootni jiru.

Hanga waggoottan 10 dhufanitti eenyu illee mootummaa tahuu hin dandahu; du’een lubbuu koo aarsaa godha malee aangoo hin kennu.

Tarkaanfileen hedduun ni fudhatama. Kanaafis qaamni qophaaye hojii eegaleera.
Dhumaatii guddaatu taha ;dhiiga wal dhangalaasuu hedduutu uumama garuu asumaan waan ani qabatamaatti isinitti himu kun icciita tahee shakkii hin qabu filannoo moo’anneerra akka salphaatti mooneerra; hanga dandahametti filannoo kana gufachiifnee morkattoota biro abdii kutachiisuuf itti gaafatamummaa gufddaatu nu irra jira. Kunis qormaata darbine yoo ilaalluuf ulfaataa miti; kun daandii tokkichadha;akka hin fashaloofneef itti gaafatamummaa dachaa fudhannee osoo milkeessine gaariidha jedheen yaada”.

Bareeffamni olii haasaa Abiyyiin KHR PPf godhe kan barreeffamatti hiikamedha.

PM Abiy Ahmed Receives U.S. Senator Jim Inhofe In His Office

PM Abiy Ahmed Receives U.S. Senator Jim Inhofe In His Office

Addis Ababa, May 31, 2021 (FBC) – Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has received the U.S. Senator Jim Inhofe at his office today.

“I welcome Senator Jim Inhofe, a friend to Ethiopians, to his second home Ethiopia” the Premier said on Facebook. The two are expected to hold discussions on various issues regarding latest developments in Ethiopia.

It is to be recalled that Jim Inhofe opposed the visa restrictions imposed on Ethiopia by the Biden Administration last week.


He tweeted that “Ethiopia needs our support as they work to end the sectarian violence.”

Jim Inhofe, a Senator from Oklahoma, is in complete opposition against the U.S decision to impose visa restrictions on Ethiopians on the top of economic and security assistance.

“I oppose the heavy-handed visa restrictions from the Biden Administration. Ethiopia needs our support as they work to end the sectarian violence. Actions like this don’t help us get closer to a peaceful resolution,” the Senator twitted.

Background

James Mountain Inhofe (86) is an American businessman and politician serving as the senior United States Senator from Oklahoma, a seat he was first elected to in 1994. A member of the Republican Party, he chaired the U.S. Senate Committee on Environment and Public Works (EPW) from 2003 to 2007 and again from 2015 to 2017. Inhofe served as the U.S. Representative for Oklahoma’s 1st congressional district from 1987 to 1994 and as mayor of Tulsa from 1978 to 1984.

Inhofe is known for his rejection of global warming. He has supported a constitutional amendment to ban same-sex marriage and has proposed the Inhofe Amendment to make English the national language of the United States. He is a strong supporter of the Polisario Front.

Inhofe served as acting chairman of the Armed Services Committee while John McCain fought cancer in 2018. After McCain’s death, he became chairman.

Inhofe bought tens of thousands of dollars worth of stock from U.S. defense contractor Raytheon. The purchase came days after it was announced that the Department of Defense had raised defense spending for the fiscal year 2020. Senator Inhofe had reportedly been influential in persuading the Trump administration to allocate additional funds for defense.


Inhofe’s adopted grandchild: a special place in his heart

By: Wayne Greene, Editorial Writer
Published: Sunday, December 21, 2008

If you want to see a different side of Jim Inhofe, ask him about Zegita.

Zegita Marie Rapert with Senator Inhofe

Zegita is Inhofe’s 7-year-old granddaughter adopted from Ethiopia (now 20).

Inhofe loves all 12 of his grandchildren, but Zegita has a very special story, and it’s clear when he speaks of her that there’s something more in his relationship with her.

She is his adopted grandchild, his genius grandchild, his African grandchild, a wonder in the way she joined the family and in everything she has achieved since.

In 2001, one of Inhofe’s daughters, Molly Rapert, and her husband Jimmy, decided they wanted to adopt a daughter. They had three sons.

Rapert says she speaks openly of her daughter’s life because adoption is such an important issue to her.

For various reasons, the Raperts decided that an international adoption was the best choice for their family, and Inhofe’s years of work on the behalf of Africa led them to consider adopting a child there.

And then the politics of the situation occurred to them. Imagine the image of the conservative southern white U.S. senator and his black granddaughter. They called Inhofe to talk about it.

“His first words to me were ‘This is absolutely the right thing to do,’ ” Rapert said.

He introduced her to Tekle Selassie, a Christian living in Ethiopia and working to improve conditions there.

Not long later, Selassie e-mailed her that he had found a child in a local orphanage that he thought would work for them.

They said yes, sight unseen.

At the age of 3 days Zegita had been abandoned in an impoverished Addis Ababa neighborhood. A social worker found her in a dirt alley and took her to a local orphanage, where she was slowly brought back to health with an intravenous feeding tube that went into her scalp.

There were 42 children and four beds at the orphanage. The other children were kept in buckets. They got one bottle of milk a day. The healthy children were also given an avocado.

When the Raperts first saw their daughter she was 7 months old. She weighed 11 pounds.

Selassie helped them through the Ethiopian immigration bureaucracy. At a key point, in the office of an Ethiopian immigration official, he was asked if the child would be raised as a Christian.

He knew that if he answered yes, it could slow or kill the adoption, but he answered truthfully.

The adoption official asked him if he believed in Jesus, and again, he took the risk and said that he did.

She looked both ways, opened a drawer, pulled out a Bible and asked if he would pray with her. He did.

Rapert says she sees nothing less than grace at work in the adoption.

“God’s hand was at work. We see it at every step in the process,” she said.

Inhofe visited the Tulsa World editorial board earlier this month, and he talked about what you would expect: the president-elect, the auto bailout, his recent trip to Afghanistan – important issues of public policy all.

Then he mentioned Zegita – Z girl as he calls her, as he is “Popi” to her – and a different aura filled him. He pulled out his BlackBerry and started reading year-old e-mails from Rapert and telling his own Zegita stories.

He talks about her standardized test scores. She’s reading above the seventh grade level.

He tells the story of his family finding her in the Ethiopian orphanage where she slept in a bucket.

Do you have time to look at some pictures?

Marie Rapert in College, 20

Here she is at the National Prayer Breakfast, where her speech was a big hit. She’s been invited back again next year.

“For real,” Inhofe said, grinning and nodding his head with the certainty of a grandpa. “She is a genius.”

In the world of politics, Jim Inhofe is as aggressive as any person you’ll ever meet.

He ardently believes in what he stands for, and won’t back down from a fight.

Oppose him and you better be ready to rumble.

But, when the topic turns to Zegita, you see a different side.

A trite tale? Sure.

Everyone loves their grandchildren, don’t they? All grandpas think their little ones are special, geniuses all.

But that’s a bit of what’s special about seeing Inhofe talk about Zegita. It’s in those moments that you realize that the partisan street fighter image is just that, image.

Inside, he’s really just Jim Inhofe, Oklahoma grandfather.

 

Impaayara diigamaa jirtu tana keessatti Oromoon maal godhuu qaba?

Impaayara diigamaa jirtu tana keessatti Oromoon maal godhuu qaba?

Berhanu Hundee, Caamsaa 31, 2021

 

Haalli impaayara Itoophiyaa fi naannoo gaanfa Aafrikaa saffisaan jijjiiramaa waan jiru fakkaata. Jijjiiramni dhufuuf jiru kun immoo impaayara Itoophiyaa qofaa osoo hin taane Aafrikaa bahaa keessattillee jijjiirama bu’uraa fiduun isaa waan hin oolle ta’a jechuu dha. Jijjiirama dorrobee jiru fi balaa guddaa baatee as deemaa jiru kanaaf Oromoon ofqopheessuu fi ittiqophaa’uun dirqama seenaa ta’a. Kanaaf, yaadolee tokko tokko waliif qooduun barbaachisaa ta’ee waan natti mul’ateef, barreeffama gabaabaa kana dhiheessa.

Seensa

Humnootni sirna Nafxanyootaa deebisanii ijaaruu barbaadan, oftuulummaa fi tuffii isaan humnoota biroorraa qabanirraa kan madde, numa qofaatu biyyattii tana badiirraa oolchuu danda’a jedhanii bookkisaa jiru. Dhugaan lafarratti mul’achaa jiru garuu, diigumsa impaayara tanaatiif isaanumatu haala mijeessaa ture, ammas ittijiru. Abbaan irree tokko hanga kufee lafatti ofargutti humni kamuu waan isa injifatu itti hin fakkaatu. Gorsas ta’ee akeekkachiisa hin fudhatu. Hanga karaan inni irra deemaa iru fuudhee hallayyaatti isa gatutti isuma kanarra deema. Mootummoota Habashootaa dhufaa dabran keessatti amalli abbaa irrootaa hunduu walfakkaataa dha. Amala badaa kanaan bu’aa isaan argamsiisan hin jiru. Ofiifis dhabamanii biyyattiis daaraa godhanii asiin gahanii jiru. Abbaa irrootni ammaa kun garuu jiraachuu impaayarattii tanaatuu gaafii keessa galchanii jiru.

Impaayarri Itoophiyaa tun dhiiga sabootaa, sab-lammootaa fi uummattootaa dhangalaastee; lafee isaanii caccabsitee; qabeenya isaanii kaan saamtee kaan barbadeessitee; eenyummaa isaanii balleessitee, olaantummaa saba tokkoo mirkaneessuuf humnaan ijaaramte. Wanti fedhii fi jaalala irratti hundaa’ee hin ijaaramne, diigamuun salphaa dha. Wanti humnaan walitti qabames addaan bittinnaa’uun hin oolu. Oromoon akka sabaattis ta’ee akka uummataatti, ijaaramuu impaayara tanaa keessatti wareegama guddaa kaffale; jiraachisuu biyyattii tanaa keessattis gahee olaanaa taphachaa as gahe. Osoo tuffatamuu; osoo arrabsamuu fi salphatuu; osoo hidhamuu, osoo ajjeefamuu, osoo biyyi kun kan keetii mitti asii deemi jedhamuu; kana hundaa fudhatee garuu ilmaan isaa ittgabbaruudhaan impaayarattii tanas tiksee asiin gahe. Garuu maaliif jedhee ofgaafatee beekaa??

Qabsoo hadhooftuu sabootni, sab-lammootni fi uummattootni cunqurfamoon godhaniin impaayara tana keessatti yoo xinnaate yeroo sadiif jijjiiramni dhufus, jijjiiramni kun humnoota birootiin butame. Jijjiiramootni bara 1974, 1991 fi 2018 fakkeenyota gurguddoo dha. Kan ittiwareegame keessaa dhiibameeti, kan taa’ee laalaa ture abbaa injifannoo itti ta’e. Egaa kana keessatti Oromoon carraa sadi dhabe jechuu dha. Gaafii guddaan amma ka’u garuu jijjiirama dhufuuf jiru isa afraffaa kana keessattis carraan nu dabruuf jiraa laata? Oromoon ofgaafachuu fi walis gaafachuu qaba. Ani akka ilma Oromoo tokkootti wantootni na yaaddessan baay’eetu jiru. Haala amma uumamuu malu fi carraa inni qabuuf Oromoon waan ittiqophaa’e fi ofqopheesse natti hin fakkaatu. Armaan gaditti rakkoolee jiranii fi waan furmaata ta’uu danda’an tokko tokko kaasuun yaala.

Rakkoolee mooraa Oromoo keessa jiran

Rakkooleen mooraa Oromoo keessa jiran, akkuma bal’ina lafa Oromiyaa fi baay’ina uummata keenyaa waan ta’aniif, hunda isaaniituu tarreessuu fi ibsuun mataan isaatuu qorannoo guddaa barbaada. Kanaafuu, barreeffama kana keessatti rokkoolee gurgoddoo ta’an tokko tokko gaggabaabsee ibsuun yaala.

Rakkoo tokkoffaa: Wanti yeroo baay’ee irra deddeebi’amee dubbatamaa ture fi ammas jiru, Qabsoon Bilisummaa Oromoo (QBO)n galii barbaadame gahuu wanti hanqateef, kaayyoo gurguddoo lama kan wal faallessan waan jiraniifi. Isaanis Oromiyaa walaboomsuu fi Itoophiyaa diimookraatessuu dha. Haa ta’u malee, akkuma baddaatti Seensa keessatti tuttuqame, haala impaayarri tun ittiin ijaaramtee fi keessa jirtu yoo laalle fi hubanne, biyyattii tana diimookraatessanii as keessatti gaafiin Oromoo deebii ni argata jechuun abjuu dha jedheen amana. Projaktii hin milkoofnee dha. Hanga dhugaan kun habatamee rakkoon isa kana wajjin walqabtu hin hiikamnetti burjaajii fi afaanfaajjiin ittuma fufa jechuu dha. Burjaajiin jiraachuun immoo waa hundaaf nu saaxila. Namootni akka ejjannoo tokko hin qabne taasisa.

Rakkoo lammaffaa: Rakkoon inni kun, ayyaan-laallattummaa dha. Ayyaan-laallattummaan mataan isaatuu gufuu qofaa osoo hin taane diina qabsoo kanaa ti. Beektotas ta’ee hayyootni Oromoo tokko tokko, fedhii biyyolessaa Oromoo (Oromo National Interest) dhiisanii, fedhii dhuunfaatiif dursa kennuu. Miidiyaarratti bahanii haasa’uudhaan beekamtii argachuuf carraaquu malee, barumsa, beekumsa fi dandeettii qabaanitti fayyadamanii tokkummaa uummata keenyaa cimsuu fi galii qabsoo kanaarratt xiyyeeffatanii gahee taphachuun isaanii hin mul’atu. Kun baay’ee nama gaddisiisa. Barumsi, beekumsi fi dandeettiin uummata/saba ofiitiif hin oolle hiikaan isaa maali???

Rakkoo sadaffaa: Rakkoo cimaa innii sadaffaan kaayyoo fi galii waloo ifa ta’e tokkoo fi karoora karaa isaan kun ittin mirkanaa’an (Road Map) kan waloo qabaachuu dhabuu dha. Rakkoon kun rakkoolee lamaan baddaatti tuqamaniirraa madda. Asirratti, seenaa saba Oromoo fi barbaachisummaa QBO irrattuu waliigalteen waan jiru hin fakkaatu. Osoo kanarratti waliigalteen jiraate, waliin mormuu fi walsakaaluunuu hin jiraatu ture jechuu dha. Gaafiin Oromoo gaafii koloneeffatamuu ta’uu isaatuu warri shakkanii fi isa kanaan morman har’allee hedduu dha. Oromoon akka Habashootaan koloneffatame waan seenaan ragaa ta’u malee asoosamaa miti. Kana hubachuu dadhabuun rakkoo cimaa ta’a. Ka’umsi QBO dhugaa fi seenaa kanarratti hundaa’ee waan ta’eef, dhugaa kana fudhachuu dhiisuun ykn diduun qabsoo kanatti amanuu dhabuu ta’a.

Rakkoo afraffaa: Rakkoo inni afraffaan kun amantii fi akkasumsa fuudhaa fi heerumsaan walqabata. Asirratti wanti hubatamuu qabu, namni kamiiyyuu amantii fedhe hordofuu fi nama jaalate kamuu fuudhuu fi ittiheerumuuf mirga namoomaa qaba. Haa ta’u malee, waayeen amantii, fuudhaa fi heerumsaa kun uummata Oromoo jidduutti rakkoolee ciccimoo akka uuman amanuun barbaachisaa dha. Hadhaa’us dhugaa kana liqimsuu feesisa. Jaalatamus jibbamus, fudhatamus dhiisus, Oromoonni Habashoota wajjin walfuudhanii fi akkasumas amantii Ortodoxii hordofan QBO gara maleedhaan hubatu. Hiikaa biraa itti kennu; sababa kanaan kallattiidhaanis ta’ee al-kallattiidhaan qabsoo kanatti gufuu ta’aa jiru jechuu dha. Akka hubannoo kiyyaatti dhugaa ibsuuf malee ani amantii fi namoota kanarratti olola oofuufii miti. Haa ta’u malee, amanitin Ortodoxii hangam sirna Nafxanyootaa keessatti gahee furtuu ta’e akka taphachaa ture fi ammas jiru haaluun hin danda’amu.

Yaada furmaataa

Rakkoon Oromoo keessumaayyuu rakkooleen mooraa QBO keessa jira akka heerrgaa kan fuurmulaadhaan furamanii miti. Hedduu baay’ee fi walxaxaa dha. Kanaaf, furmaatni rakkoolee keenyaa isa kana ykn sana jedhanii lafa kaa’uun hedduu nama rakkisa. Haa ta’u malee, seenaa saba Oromoo fi haala yeroo irratti hundoofnee yoo laalle; akksumas kan dabrerraa barachuudhaan karaan kana booda nu baasu kana jennee kan amannu yoo ta’e, waa gurguddoo lamatti xiyyeeffachuu dha.

Waraana Bilisummaa Oromoo (WBO)

Oromummaa fi Oromiyaa badiirraa oolchuuf, furmaatni inni hangafti WBO karaa danda’amu hundaan gargaaruu, jabeessuu fi cimsuu dha. Humna ittisaa biyyoolessaa qabaachuu fi isa kanas karaa danda’amu hundaan gargaaruu fi jabeessuun filannoo osoo hin taane dirqama ta’ee jira. Humni ittisaan biyyolessaa Oromoo (Oromo National Defense Force – ONDF) immoo mamii fi shakkii tokko malee WBO dha. Kana booda amanamus amanamuu baatus wabiin saba Oromoo WBO qofaa dha jedheen amana. Warri har’allee qabsoon hidhannoo sirrii miti jedhanii moman, haala jiru hubatanii irra deebi’anii laaluu fi ofgaafachuu qabu. WOBn lolee lafa qabatee Oromoo bilisoomsuu hin danda’u jedhanii warri yaadanis, kun ofitti amanummaa dhabuu waan ta’eef, shakkii akkanaa uumuurra WBO gargaaruutti fuula deeffachuu qabu. Karaan biraa yaalamee fi ijibbaatamee akka dadhabames hubachuu qabu.

Mootummaa Ce’umsaa Biyyolessaa Oromoo (MCBO)

Akka ilaalcha fi hubannoo kiyyaatitti, MCBOn karoora karaa biyyolessaa Oromiyaa (Oromia National Road Map) lafa kaa’uuf qofaa osoo hin taane, mootummaa ce’umsaa caasaadhaan ijaaramu waan ta’uuf, rakkoolee Oromiyaa keessatti hidda baasanii jiraniif duwwaa osoo hin taane, sabootaa fi sab-lammoota birootiifillee daandii gaarii fi haqaa kan agarsiisu waan ta’uuf akka furmaata ijootti laalamuu qaba. MCBO ijaaruun akka haala amma impaayara tana keessa jirutti waan hin danda’amne fi hin milkoofne fakkaachuu mala. Haa ta’u malee, jijjiiramoota biyyattii tana keessatti mul’achaa turan ofduuba garagallee yoo laalle fi carraalee nu dabranis yoo yaadanne, dogongorri akkasii lammata akka hin hojjetamneef MCBO ijaaruun waan yeroon gaafattuu dha.

Asirratti wanti hubatamuu qabu, WBO fi MCBO adda bahanii hin ilaalaman. Milkaa’uu MCBOtiif cimuun WBO murteessaa dha. Akkuma baddaatti tuqame, WBOn uummata Oromoo bilisoomsuu fi Oromiyaa walaboomsuuf qofaa kan loluu miti. Bilisummaa fi walabummaa boodallee humna ittisaa biyyoolessaa Oromiyaa (Oromia National Defense Force) ta’a. MCBOn akka milkaa’u WBO jabeessuun dirqama ta’a. Lamaanuu Oromoo, Oromiyaa fi Oromummaa badiirraa oolchuuf furtuu dha. Kanaafuu uummatni Oromoo akka waliigalaatti, beektotni fi hayyootni Oromoo immoo addatti karaa danda’amu hundaan jabina WBO fi ijaarsa MCBO irratti hirmaachuun dirqama Oromummaa ti.

Hanga dhimma biraatiin walitti deebinutti nagaatti

Injifannoon Uummata Oromoof!

The violence that is happening to the people of Kimant

The violence that is happening to the people of Kimant.

Since April 05/2013, 05/2013, the violence against the people of Kimant has not been counted. We present only the following.

  1. The defense force of Amhara is not only giving cover to Amhara fano and Militia.
  2. The defense force in Aykel city is giving wrong information watching the killing of innocent Kimant in the city.
  3. Aykel hospital medication, they are working hard to close the hospital’s salaries by saying the workers are not respected.
  4. Elders of the country have failed to accept the proposal to defend the people.
  5. # Colonel _ Shigute is working to attack individuals who were elected by the Amhara regional government, weapons and logistics.
  6. schools, banks, health centers, government institutions, water, phone, electricity etc are closed in Aykel.
  7. Aykel Kebele 01 and 02 couldn’t meet by accident on the asphalt road, because Eritrean soldier is hitting people and vehicles with the special force.
  8. people who were armed by government have not been released yet. Their existence is at risk too.
  9. Humanitarian aid has not been given through government for displaced, wounded and injured people.
  10. We are banned from using 10. media.
  11. starting from Gondar 16/2013 there is a special force in Kimant people, Fano and smart boss stealing, massacre and killing.
  12. Around 12. chains of 18/09/13 many houses were burned down.
  13. It is known that 13. Eritrean soldiers have entered Gondar, DART has entered Tigray. Since then, they are doing what they have done to Kimant and Tigray.
  14. The defense force is doing action to take action on some Kimant’s request committee members.
  15. normal patients or wounded in Gondar hospital could not be treated, Kimant hospital workers in Gondar are not able to work by insulting direct orders.
  16. From April 16., 10, the wounded to 25 motorbike and 3 people. Government armed with 14/09/13 weapons have been robbed and robbed farmers animals on the market road. They have stolen mobile phones, money, property by taking people out of the market. They have also planted two more motorcycles. In general, the residents of Gondar have left the whole area of Qimanto.

When we see details happening right now

  • Her injuries burned over 100 houses.
  • Kids, women, elderly people in their homes are burned down.
  • Gondar Giorgis, Chandar, Wisdom, Kebele 15, Kaha around, Woleka and the massacre have been done the same thing.
  • Defense force kills the residents of Kimant with heavy weapons, the robbery team follows, Fano, special force, Eritrean soldiers kills houses.
  • A body that hasn’t risen yet has fallen everywhere.

There is no difference between the genocide that is happening to the people of Kimant. The only thing they didn’t do is shoot the helicopter and the mig beaten and white foxes. They are in progress to do these too.

Ethiopia To Host 2nd Russia-Africa Summit; Amhara developed anti-west sentiment

Amhara developed anti-west sentiment

It is so tragic to observe how Ethiopia led by Colonel Abiy Ahmed developed anti West sentiment, particularly USA. Recently the close adviser of Abiy Ahmed, Andergachew Tsige vowed to burn the flag of USA. The event directly televised by Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation. The rally organized by US haters in Addis Ababa dragged the flag on the street. Remember, Ethiopia heavily depends on development & security aid from USA.

Ethiopia is totally divided; Oromia & Tigray supports the sanction of USA on Ethiopia; Amhara developed anti-west sentiment and giving a signal to join the camp of China & Russia. In both Oromia & Tigray, there is on going armed resistance.

What can the West led by USA do in order to remove Abiy Ahmed, a Noble Peace Prize winner in December, 2019. He started war with West & South Oromia in 2018 and continued the war in a larger scale in Tigray in November, 2020 with direct support of Eritrea, UAE & Somalia?

Abiy along with Isias Afewerki of Eritrea committed war crimes in Oromia and Tigray.
The US and the West should work closely with people of Oromia, Tigray in order to restore peace in Horn of Africa. /Tesfaye A. Negawo


Ethiopia Expresses Readiness To Host Second Russia-Africa Summit

By Kester Kenn Klomegah, May 30, 2021

First plenary meeting of the Russia-Africa Summit on 24 October 2019. Credit: Roscongress.

(Eurasia Review) — The Government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia has expressed absolute readiness and emphasized it as a progressive step to host the forthcoming second Russia-Africa Summit scheduled for 2022.

This was the outcome of the consultative discussion held on April 22 between Demeke Mekonnen, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Ethiopia, and Oleg Ozerov, Ambassador-at-Large, and Head of the Secretariat of Russia-Africa Partnership Forum (RAPF), as part of the preparations for the second Russia-Africa Summit planned to take place in Africa.

Within the framework of the joint declaration adopted in Sochi in October 2019, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation created the Secretariat of the Russia-Africa Partnership Forum.

The Secretariat’s primary task is to coordinate efforts for promoting cooperation between Russian and African business associations, ensure political and diplomatic support for projects carried out by Russia’s state-run and private companies in Africa, and coordinating aspects of preparations for future Russia-Africa summits.

Mr. Ozerov gave a briefing about the tasks and responsibilities of his office, the creation of the Association of Economic Cooperation with the African States, which will bring major Russian and African companies to work together. As part of the preparation for the Summit, further consultations are being held with African Union and African countries.

Taking his turn during the diplomatic discussion, Mr. Mekonnen expressed his government’s readiness and acceptance to hold the Summit after Mr. Ozerov submitted an official request to host the Russia-Africa Summit in Addis Ababaaccording to the official information posted on the ministry’s website.

Generally recognized fact that Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital, has all the facilities for large-scale international conferences and easily accessible with effectively built first-class Ethiopian Airlines network to and from many African countries.

In addition, the African Union (AU), headquartered in Addis Ababa, has a gifted modern building financed by the Government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). African government representatives work in this city.

Mr. Demeke further told the Secretariat about Ethiopia’s commitment to strengthen the long-standing relations with Russia, highly appreciated the initiative of Russia to establish the platforms to address a wide range of development issues and to exchange ideas on various significant aspects of cooperation, especially in the areas of security, innovation/technology, agriculture, energy, nuclear medicine, geology exploration et cetera.

In particular, both noted that the historic first Summit “gave a strong impetus for further development of friendly relationships between Russia and countries of the African continent”. As expected, the next Summit will also focus on enhancing constructive cooperation and advancing integration processes within the framework of the African Union and a number of sub-regional structures.

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed participated in the first Russia-Africa Summit, where a number of bilateral and multinational agreements were signed and a joint declaration was announced. On the other side, Mr. Ozerov also presented an invitation of Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov to Mr. Demeke Mekonnen to make a follow-up visit to Moscow, Russia.


Suuraan Puutiin, Erdogaanifi namicha Chaayinaa hiriira har’aa irratti callisee hinfannifamne…

Suuraan jarreen sadanii bahun kallattii Abiyyi baroota dhufanii kan akeekuudha..

Akkamitti?

  1. Erdogaan mootummaa kiyya fonqolchuuf koratan jechuudhaan namoota 100,000 battalatti hojii irraa ariyuudhaan, namoota hojii irraa ariye kanniinis mana murtii dhaabe…
  2. Akkuma Abiyyi Ahmad waayee Itophiyaa durii leellisu Erdogaanis bara olaantummaa Turki jechuun “Otomaan Turki” nama hawwudha..
  3. Putiinifi namichi Chaayinaa, Jiinpiingi jedhamus abbootii hiree hamoodha..
    Jiinpiingi qabsoo warra Hongikoongi awwaaluf jecha geggeessitoota jajjaboo uummata Hongikoongi hidhaatti guuraa jira..

Biltsiginnaan egaa namoota fakkeenya gaarii tahuu hindandeenye kanniindha akka fakkeenya gaariitti fudhattee addababayitti baate… /Hinsene Mekuria


Russia, Ethiopia set to ink deal on Sputnik V supplies, says ambassador

The diplomat expects that Addis Ababa will swiftly complete the registration of Russia’s Sputnik V jab

MOSCOW, April 30. /TASS/. Russia and Ethiopia are hammering out an accord on deliveries of the Sputnik V vaccine to this republic, Ethiopian Ambassador to Moscow Alemayehu Tegenu Aargau said in an interview with TASS.

The ambassador said that the agreement would be concluded soon. The diplomat added that he also expected that Ethiopia would swiftly complete the registration of Russia’s Sputnik V jab.

According to him, Addis Ababa is interested in cooperating with Moscow in fighting the pandemic both in the bilateral and multilateral formats. The ambassador noted that the subject was discussed with Russia at a session of the intergovernmental commission in December 2020.


Russia-Ethiopia ties acquiring more intense dynamics

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Independent media at risk as Ethiopia again targets journalists

Independent media at risk as Ethiopia again targets journalists

Watchdogs say at least 21 journalists and media workers have been detained since early 2020

By MAGGIE FICK, 30 MAY 2021 

Picture: 123RF/olegdudko

Nairobi (Business Day) — When Ethiopia Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took over in 2018 and freed dozens of jailed members of the media as part of a raft of political reforms, journalist Dessu Dulla rushed home from the Netherlands.

The 45-year-old, now a deputy editor at a local online news outlet, said he had fled repression in 2004. He initially savoured new freedoms under Abiy, who won global plaudits including the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize which noted his work on “discontinuing media censorship.”

Three years on, Dessu and four other Ethiopian journalists interviewed by Reuters say they once again fear a knock on the door. At least 21 journalists and media workers have been detained since early 2020, some international media watchdogs say.

Dessu was arrested last year while reporting on the arrest of a political activist in his restive home region Oromia. He and two colleagues were never charged but were held for three months.

“I thought it would be another era and that democracy and freedom of speech may be restored, but actually things are deteriorating, so many journalists have fled the country and some are in jail,” he told Reuters by phone from Addis Ababa.

“Unfortunately, Ethiopia has rejoined the list of worst jailers of journalists in Sub-Saharan Africa,” said Muthoki Mumo, the Committee to Protect Journalists’ (CPJ) Sub-Saharan Africa representative.

Billene Seyoum, the prime minister’s spokesperson, said conditions for journalists had improved.

“The environment for media and journalism since Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took office are quite favourable,” she said, noting that 44 new broadcasters had been issued licences and that a new media law was passed this year.

As in every country, journalists have to obey the law, Billene said, adding “there is no perfect environment; however, it cannot be said that a nascent democracy like Ethiopia is regressing.”

When asked about individual cases including Dessu’s, she referred questions to the attorney-general, the federal police and the Ethiopian Media Authority (EMA), which accredits journalists.

The attorney-general’s spokesperson and federal police did not respond to requests for comment. The EMA said “freedom of expression and the protection of the press are sacred values that are enshrined in the Ethiopian constitution.”

EMA head Mohammed Edris provided Reuters with an English translation of the new media law, approved by parliament in February and signed into law in April.

The law states that the regulator, the EMA, shall be independent, and details on what grounds the authority will revoke broadcaster service licenses. It also says journalists will not be forced to reveal a source that provided information on a confidential basis.

Detentions and killings

At least six journalists were detained in November, when fighting erupted between Abiy’s troops and rebellious leaders in northern Tigray, said international press freedom groups the CPJ and Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

They included Medihane Ekubamichael of the Addis Standard, an independent English-language news website, and three journalists from the state-owned Ethiopian Press Agency. One of the four declined to comment and the other three did not respond to requests for comment.

Police accused Medihane in court of trying to “dismantle the constitution through violence”, his website reported. He was released without charge more than a month later.

The other three were accused of conspiring with groups fighting the government and dismantling the constitution; they were held between five to eight weeks before being released.

In December, Reuters cameraman Kumerra Gemechu was detained for 12 days without explanation. He was released without charge.

None of the journalists arrested since last year has been charged. All but one were released after days or months in jail.

Irish journalist expelled

In early March, the EMA revoked the credentials of an Irish citizen who reported on rape and rights abuses from Tigray for The New York Times.

The newspaper announced the revocation of Simon Marks’ credentials in May and urged the government to rethink what it called an “authoritarian approach.” A week later, the government expelled Marks, who also worked for other publications, saying he had published “unbalanced reports”.

Marks told Reuters that he was given no credible reason for his credentials being revoked and no explanation for his swift deportation.

“It is alarming that the government of Ethiopia treated the journalist, Simon Marks, like a criminal, expelling him from the country without even letting him go home to get a change of clothing or his passport,” said Michael Slackman, assistant managing editor for International at the Times.

“With the credibility of an upcoming national election at stake, we call on the leaders of Ethiopia to reverse its efforts to muzzle an independent press.”

Two journalists were shot dead this year.

An unidentified gunman shot dead Ethiopian journalist Dawit Kebede Araya, who worked for Tigray state TV, in the regional capital Mekelle in January.

This month, journalist Sisay Fida from Oromia’s state-owned Oromia Broadcasting Network was shot dead in the Kellem Wollega zone of the state, the zonal security head told Reuters.

The new CEO of the Tigray regional government and the chief spokesperson for the Oromia regional government did not respond to phone calls and text messages seeking comment.

For months after the conflict broke out, the government restricted access to the Tigray region, but that began to loosen in March.

The government says the only crackdown has been on criminals threatening peace and unity, and it accuses some journalists of colluding with insurrectionists, without providing specifics.

“We expect professional reporting that lives up to the standards of journalistic ethics,” the EMA said, noting that 129 foreign correspondents had been licensed and 82 foreign journalists had been given access to Tigray.

Wind of change?

After coming to power, Abiy initially freed dozens of journalists from jail, lifted bans on more than 250 outlets and repealed some widely criticised media laws, according to the International Press Institute, a global network of editors, media executives and journalists.

But the old laws were not replaced by a clear regulatory framework relating to media practice, leading to a legal vacuum around such issues as how new media businesses are allowed to operate, found a 2020 study commissioned by the Fojo Media Institute at Sweden’s Linnaeus University and International Media Support, a non-profit Danish media advocacy group.

The groups, which both helped to draft Ethiopia’s new media law, added that the new law was a promising step because it was broadly based on the continent’s “most solid” legislation such as that in Kenya and SA.

However, before separate legislation against hate speech and misinformation was passed in early 2020, the UN’s special rapporteur on freedom of expression warned the hate speech law could worsen ethnic tensions and possibly fuel further violence.

The rapporteur said the law could be used to silence government critics and might lead to arbitrary arrests because it gives officials at the federal and regional levels wide discretion to determine who to prosecute.

Most parliamentarians, however, supported the legislation.

“Ethiopia has become a victim of disinformation,” Abebe Godebo, who voted for the law, said when it was passed. “The country is a land of diversity, and this bill will help to balance those diversities.”

Media reflects national divisions

Ethiopia was one of the world’s most repressive states for media before Abiy’s election in 2018, according to some media watchdogs.

Governments led by Abiy’s predecessors Hailemariam Desalegn and Meles Zenawi detained tens of thousands of people — including reporters and bloggers — often under anti-terrorism laws.

At least 60 journalists fled abroad between 2010 and 2018, New York-based Human Rights Watch said.

The head of Ethiopia’s state-appointed human rights commission, Daniel Bekele, himself a former political prisoner, has spoken up for journalists, but also says the media reflect — and at times worsen — divisions.

“It is not unusual for media to have an ideological bias but in our challenging context we need more responsible media for accurate facts, fair analysis, [and to] promote social justice and peaceful co-existence,” he told Reuters.

Dessu’s Oromia News Network (ONN) broadcasts via 10 journalists, all but one ethnic Oromos.

He frequently posts on social media in his native Afaan Oromo language, and his posts sometimes appear supportive of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), an opposition party that spent years in exile but was allowed back in after Abiy took office.

Separatists are waging an armed insurrection in Oromia.

In March last year, Dessu, another reporter and their driver were arrested after reporting on the detention of an Oromo political activist, Dessu said.

Oromia police commissioner Ararsa Merdassa did not respond to a request for comment on Dessu’s case.

Dessu and his two colleagues were held nearly three months without charge despite court orders to release them, said Dessu and the New York-based CPJ, which looked into the detentions. Reuters has not reviewed those orders.

Now he avoids working outside his studio in Addis Ababa for fear of being arrested again, and said some journalists he knew were self-censoring or again seeking exile.