Is Fundamental Political Change Justified in Ethiopia?
By Worku Burayu (PhD), September 3, 2018
As we see today and it has been before, the great majority of the world’s political systems have experienced one form or another of internal conflict leading to the violent collapse of the governments in power. Military and economic crises are two of the many factors triggered the outbreak of revolution in many countries. The 1970’s Ethiopian famine that triggered student movements was one of the factors for the collapse of the king regime. The overthrow of the 1991 Ethiopian military Junta occurred in the aftermath of national military tragedies in northern part of the then Ethiopia. The current emergence of change in Ethiopia and the latest trembling of the TPLF led Ethiopian government due to the unseen before mass resistance in Oromia occurred in the repercussion of the EPRDF administration disasters. Latest history tells us the outbreak of revolutions in other administrative systems can trigger revolution in other states as revolution tends to spread:
The protest that occurred in Oromia in at least 400 different locations across all the 17 zones in Oromia engulfed the whole Oromiya within short period of time. This protest triggered other social strata and spread like forest fire to the different zones, schools, cities, rural areas all over Oromiya, and the neighboring states such as Amhara and South Nation and nationalities that recorded undeniable achievements not only for Oromiya but also for the entire country.
In other countries, the contemporary Arab Revolution started as the Tunisian Revolution spread strongly to other countries such as Libya, Egypt, Yemen, Syria, and Bahrain where either the regime was toppled or major uprisings and social violence occurred. The early hopes that these popular movements would end corruption, increase political participation, and bring about greater economic equity quickly collapsed in the wake of the counterrevolutionary moves by different internal and external actors in Yemen and of the Saudi-UAE; linked military deep state in Egypt; the regional and international military interventions in Bahrain and Yemen; and the destructive civil wars in Syria, Iraq, Libya and Yemen. So far, only the uprising in Tunisia has resulted in a transition to constitutional democratic governance. A power struggle continued after the immediate response to the Arab Spring.
A sense of insecurity and uncertainty as to the future of Ethiopia, the hallucination of Old dogs to pedaling back and an aggravation of the relationships among the regional States produce not only the obvious pressures on human life but also a threat to the societies social position and possession that may reignite to revolutionary outbreaks. The continuing killing on Oromos in Hararghe and Wollo, the unchanged behavior of the Tigray regional state leaders opens doubts to the ability of the Federal government to equally exercise the same rules of law on all regional states, and this creates uncertainty of the citizens across the country. Thus, the continuing devaluing of human life (killing and burning human and their domestic animals on their property) and indiscriminate killings of citizens, the eviction and displacement of population from their livelihood, and the distrustful security and national army systems, the nightmare of Old dogs to get back the rotten system, and the lack of accountability of the ruling system are still leading to unstainable political system in Ethiopia.
The early hopes that these popular Qeerroo Bilisummaa Oromoo movements: would stop killing, ending hunting Oromo, stop trying to disarm WBO, brings about genuine reconciliation, end corruption, increase political participation, and bring about greater economic equity are quickly on the verge of collapse in the recommencement of the Old dogs anti Oromo struggle moves and the unaccommodating of WBO as a national Oromian defending army. These are bad results and lead to creation of an atmosphere in which fundamental political change is justified.
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